Anarchist Federation


RESISTANCE ISSUE 16

Paying the Blood Price

BETWEEN SEPTEMBER OF LAST YEAR and June of this, an average of 6 American war planes a day have re-fuelled in Shannon airport. This is because they can carry more weapons, troops, and supplies if they stop in Ireland, than in Britain, as that way, being a shorter journey, they need less fuel.

Protest

On August 17th a 70 strong group of protesters defied police orders to stay outside the airport, and by mere fact of entering caused a warplane to leave without refuelling. On August 31st there was a 24 hour women’s peace camp outside the airport, with an information stall in Shannon town itself which got a good reception. On September 1st there was a small picket outside the main terminal building.On the night of September 3rd activists got onto the runway and spray painted a warplane. A national demonstration at Shannon airport has been called for October 12th. See local posters or www.indymedia.ie for further details. In August two American warships carrying ammunition to the Middle East were due to stop over in Cork Harbour, but this visit was cancelled because of planned protests.

Arms Trade

At least 14 companies with operations based in the Republic of Ireland are involved in the international arms trade. Each one has to get export licenses from the government. Furthermore some them get IDA subsidies. Moog, a U.S. arms corporation with a plant in Cork, got a IR£4.4 million grant from the government. In Ireland this company makes parts for tanks and anti-aircraft guns (including ones which have been sold to the genocidal Indonesian military). It’s main business worldwide is in the production of parts for bombers and missile systems.

PFP

In it’s previous term in office Fianna Fail brought the Irish state into the NATO led Partnership for Peace (P.F.P.). The P.F.P. is described in U.S. military documents as part of an “engagement strategy” which “serves to enhance both sides capability for successfully making the transition to war and participating in initial stages of combat in any future conflicts.Through the P.F.P. the Irish army participated in NATO military exercises in Poland in the spring of this year.

Nice

In the Nice Treaty it is planned that the E.U. will take over the functions of the W.E.U., which is the European based arm of NATO. It will be in command of the Rapid Reaction Force, a European Army with 65,000 troops (plus 200,000 in reserve), and aircraft carriers, combat jets and submarines.Through the E.U.’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, a common front on international affairs from all E.U. governments, the Irish Government lent diplomatic and practical support to the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia (3,000 dead), to the Anglo- American bombing of Afghanistan (9,000 dead) and to the government side in Columbia’s civil war -3,500 dead per year.

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Time Bomb - Red Clydeside and the Shop Stewards’ Movement


Subvert and resist – continuing our series on the history of workers’ councils (a longer version of this article appears on our website) here

IN THE DECADE OR SO before the outbreak of the first World War, Britain, and specifically the heavily industrial Clydeside region of Scotland, was in the grips of severe economic depression, a depression that only a fully militarised war economy could ever hope to come to terms with.

Although unemployment decreased slightly in the few years immediately preceding the beginning of hostilities, inflation rose dramatically, increasing the prices of foodstuffs, rents and fuel, but decreasing workers’ wages by 15%. The Clyde Valley, as a major source of supplies for the war effort, was soon to become a hive of militancy that would threaten the cosy, and mutually rewarding, relationship that had developed between the government and the unions. In February 1915, 10,000 engineering workers in Glasgow wildcatted demanding higher wages. Gaining no support from their own union, the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE) the strikers decided to set up a Labour Withholding Committee (LWC) to represent themselves and organise the strike.

The government reacted swiftly to the dangers posed by the strike. Union ‘leaders’ were quickly called to a special conference at which were signed the socalled ‘treasury agreements’ by which all independent union rights, including the right to strike, were suspended for the duration of the war. Labour was ‘diluted’ (by permitting unskilled workers to do skilled work) in order to deal with the labour shortage and the demands for munitions. The ‘Munitions Act’ made striking a criminal offence (!), effectively illustrating the political-economic nexus that safeguards capitalism when it senses even the most incipient threat. The CWC (Clydeside Workers’ Committee) was formally formed with 200-300 delegates elected from workplace assemblies every week. Shop stewards were now usurping the power of the local and national ASE. By January 1916, the CWC was directing workers in 29 Clydeside engineering works. Following the end of the war, there were that unemployment, following demo, would reach epic proportions. On January 27th, 40 000 workers struck while mass pickets everywhere shut down factories that were still operating. By the end of the month over 100,000 were on strike. On January 31st, on a day that was to become known as ‘Bloody Friday’, a crowd of 35,000 were attacked without provocation in George’s Square, Glasgow. The next day, 10,000 troops armed with machine guns were summoned to the city (Glasgow troops were considered too unreliable) and were supported by airplanes and tanks. The strike remained solid throughout, only breaking when the union leadership suspended the local branch committee and ordered a return to work.

The decline in the shop floor movement and the CWC saw power shift yet again into the hands of full-time officials. One of those activists most critical of the shop stewards’ movement was the anti-parliamentarian Guy Aldred. He opposed those workers who were churning out munitions. since these were, after all, munitions used for the purposes of war and for the slaughtering of other members of the international working class.

There was, in fact, a separation of industrial agitation from the opposition to the war as though revolutionary politics were being left behind at the factory gates. Where the committees failed was in channelling their strength into an allout assault on all aspects of the struggle against capitalism, including the political struggle. Without moving beyond merely economic demands, the CWC found themselves in no position to combat the heavy-handed response of the boss class supported by government. Yet the committees never went beyond the confines of the existing unions and this was enough to explain their lack of real revolutionary credential. By focusing also on the political and social aspects of struggle the committees could have made a difference, but the inherent nature of trade unionism itself militated against this, conditioning workers to lower aspirations and less confident methods of self-organisation.

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Mox Protests

WELL, THE SHIPMENT OF MOX (a fuel for nuclear plants made fromreprocessing nuclear waste –see previous Resistances) got through, but not before a large protest by a flotilla of boats from Dundalk, Wexford, Arklow and Dublin joined Welsh boats and Greenpeace’s flagship, ‘Rainbow Warrier’ at Holyhead in Wales. Irish environmentalist group Gluaiseacht were there in force and four activists staged a protest on the roof of the visitors’ centre, dropping banners calling on BNFL to ‘tell the British people the truth’. They were later arrested and released without charge. The consignment, returned to British Nuclear Fuels (BNFL) in the UK after failing safety protocol in Japan, had been on the high seas for several months stoking up a storm of protest through all the international waters it traversed. From Holyhead, under tight security, it was transported by rail to Sellafield.

The protest is a sure sign of the growing support of the anti-Sellafield campaign in Ireland, but one which needs to broaden its scope and involve the local people in Louth and Cumbria, those directly affected by fatal doses of toxic chemicals blown over from the plant on a daily basis. If you are interested in joininga grassroots anti-Sellafield group, contact us. In the meantime, visit www.gluaiseacht.org for more info.

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Let's Get Organised

FOR OPEN DISCUSSION AND WORKSHOPS on: Banner making, drumming, direct action, GATS, Housing Co-ops, Worker Co-ops, the fight against Casualisation, Social Centres, the Russian Revolution, Sectarianism and the Trade Unions, Anti-War Activism, Reclaim The Streets, and Indymedia. (This is an incomplete list of proposed topics and may be subject to change) This is the third in a series of meetings bringing together a diverse collection of activists from non-hierarchical movements. Venue is the Giros centre, 1 – 5 Donegall Lane, Belfast, (October 26-27) which is just up a little lane on your right as you pass the ‘Irish News’ offices, across the road from the ‘Front Page’ bar. Work is in progress on providing childcare facilities and on social events for the evening after the workshops.

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RTS Car Free Day

SUNDAY, 22ND OF SEPTEMBER saw RTS once again take to the streets of Dublin to reclaim what should rightfully be ours, public space! The party was by all means a great success with 1,000+ people attending the weekend party which coincided with International Car Free Day. I took a one and a half hour trip (on car free day!) from Kildare into the city which should have only been a 40 minutes trip to take part in the festivities and I wasn’t disapointed. The party began early with Critical Mass leaving Connolly station at around 1.15pm and reaching Baggott Street at around 2.10p.m.. We met the main partygoersat Stephen’s Green at 2 o clock,where we followed one of the two designated colour groups who if necessary, would take two different routes to Baggott Street to meet up with Critical Mass. We arrived at Baggott Street 10-15 minutes later and it was here that we saw that the crowd of 700 or so at Stephen’s Green had by now swollen to well over 1000 people.

The RTS organiser’s had everything needed for a party on Baggott Street, including a sound system that was tucked away in a van. Within a few minutes, the music was set up (despite some technical faults at first), police desended on the areaand people started partying. Among the other activities was free street theatre, an Irish adaption of Death of an Anarchist by Spacecraft, jugglers, dancing, fire jugglers, skateboarding kids, families and even members of the disabled community (who also took part in the Critical Mass). Police activity unlike last year was peaceful, except for buzzing the party for the entire afternoon with a copper chopper. Party goers did their own thing, that was the point of the event, to reclaim a street, use it as a symbol of what our cities should be like and to empower people. No doubt, people walked away from the party later in the evening possibly planning there own RTS, planning to take part in activities that would change there communities, challenege capitalism and perhaps even changing the way they approach every day.

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Bloody Students

On September 24th a mob of sixty UCD students blocked T.D. Brian Lenihan’s entrance to the opening of a new Fianna Fail archive in the University. The original scissors wielder for the grand unveiling of what is presumably a collection of brown paper envelopes, planning permission notices, and faded photos of maidens dancing at crossroads, was to be Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy. Alleged “Hardman” Mcreevy appears to have been daunted by the prospect of an encounter with the student rabble, and so sent his minion Lenihan instead. Probably has enough on his hands with his own twenty something year old. Another action in response to the beginning of the re-introduction of Third Level fees took place during the next day.

Seven students from UCD, Trinity and Maynooth, outwitted security guards and burst into theDepartment of Education offices, to successfully barricade themselves into a boardroom for nine hours. Meanwhile outside hundreds more gathered in fury at the Government’s massive increase in bogus “registration” fees, and their proposed return to the days of full fees. In the aftermath of recent reports showing the extent to which private fee paying schools (which if memory serves me right, are subsidised by the state) produce University students, and the extent to which University access is class determined, the Government has came out with a “social justice” spin on fees. It is claimed that they would just have fees for the privileged and use the funds acquired to promote wider access to University. Well that, as they say in the ancient Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, is total bollox. For starters they are currently cutting back on such access programmes. Then there’s the grant system, let’s take a look at that, supposedly there to help poorer students. About half of one per cent of the University intake is of students whose parents are employed in unskilled or semi-skilled occupations. I’m one of that particular elite. But judged by my parent’s income I would not be eligible for a grant. Non-PAYE persons, who, as they can dodge their tax, and thus have a lower official income than their actual one, can this way have grants for their children. Rather than aiming to end the two tier education system, the end result of the Government’s programme will be to expand it. The Irish Government is committed to the E.U. project, as they are so fond of telling us, and the E.U. is committed to the introduction of the World Trade Organisation’s General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Under which, education, along with just about everything else, is to be “liberalised” with a far greater role for the so-called “private sector”, i.e. big business. Now as even Charlie McReevy must know nobody is going to invest in anything unless they are going to get a return, so increased payment for services is an inevitable component of “liberalisation”. As we all know about payment, there’s some who can pay, and some who can’t. The Campaign For Free Education, whose actions are described above, is mostly UCD based, but is looking to expand outward and develop contacts with like minded malcontents elsewhere. Their aim is both to block the reintroduction of fees and to expand the grant. Visit: www.campaignforfreeeducation.cjb.net

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Carrickmines Castle

SINCE LATE AUGUST ACTIVISTS have been occupying the grounds of Carrickmines Castle, a site of great historical importance, due to be obliterated by road construction. This despite the rather obvious fact the road could go around, rather than through, our heritage. A medieval well at the site Cian O’Callaghan, spokesperson for the occupation, said: “575 million euro is been spent on the South Eastern Motorway which is the final part of the M50 C-Ring Motorway around Dublin. It is outrageous that such a large amount of money is been spent without preserving the archaeological site at Carrickmines Castle. The excavations, which ended on Friday, are still vastly incomplete. If the road goes ahead without realignment we will never know what historical artefacts have been lost. Carrickmines Castle has a unique history and heritage value. It was a Norman Castle that played a central role in the defence of the Pale. This role was vital during the nine years war in the 16th century. The castle was destroyed in 1642 when Irish Confederate rebels were besieged and massacred by the English at Carrickmines. If you want to go down to help, or contribute much needed supplies, take the Dublin Bus route no.63 from Fleet Street.The website for more info. is www.carrickminescastle.org

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On the Frontline

Social Security Agency staff to strike

Over 2,000 social security workers in Northern Ireland struck at the beginning of the month over plans to extend opening hours and increase their workloads.Workers at 35 social security offices around the province are to hold a half day stoppage.An overtime ban is also to be introduced from Thursday. Social Security Agency bosses are providing no additional resources to meet the extra workload, workers are not prepared to take on the extra work at the same time as losing the benefits of their ‘flexi time’, or flexible working hours, scheme.

Another Blow ForWorkers in the North


Coming on the heels of devastation caused to local textile workers, their families and communities, by capitalism’s shift in the industry to sweatshops across the globe, electronics workers, particularly those in high tech industries, are fast becoming NorthernIreland’s latest victims of multi-nationals abilities to up sticks and dump them for cheaper labour some where else on the planet. The redundancy of another 80 people, previously profited out of by Solectron, in Carrickfergus, County Antrim, is the tip of the iceberg, and comes as the second jobs blow for the area in days.The news follows the announcement last week of 135 job losses with the closure of Getty Communications in Carrickfergus. Solectron first came to Northern Ireland in 2000. It had taken over assembly work for telecommunications company Nortel, a Canadian owned multinational hi-tech corporation which operates in over 100 countries. Blaming the downturn in the technology sector, Solectron closed another factory in Carrickfergus last year, with the loss of more than 200 jobs.Nortel themselves have now cutmore than 1,000 jobs in the province. In 2001, Nortel made more than 800 people redundant at its plant in Newtownabbey, County Antrim.

Railway Workers to Join Low Pay Revolt?


Northern Ireland Railway workers are to ballot for industrial action following the rejection of the companies latest, ‘revised’ pay offer. Under threat of privatisation following Peter Robinson’s announcement that Translink and the NITHCo are to be wound up to make way for a public transport company which can be legally privatised, having been on the receiving end of worsening conditions, company bullying and corner cutting and a low pay high over time culture for years, workers are clearly saying enough is enough in their rejection of this latest offer. This is not enough! Workers must take the only step now open to them industrial action. Solid, decisive action to ‘put manners on the management’, is a necessity both in terms of advancing this pay claim and preparing the way for a strong anti-privatisation campaign across the public transport industry.

-a personal report from a member of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation

Meanwhile, From across the water...

Wildcat strikes returned to the postal services with 30 workers at the Filton (Bristol) Royal Mail Cashco depot walking out unannounced – to be joined later by 90 members of the morning shift. The walkout was over the planned selling off of part of the business to Securicor – who were also the inspiration for a wildcat in Scotland where stoppages at Broxburn, West Lothian and Glasgow took place after they were sold part of Consignias cashhandling services. More trouble on the London Underground – a 24-hour strike on the 25th is to be followed by another on 3rd October. Drivers are demanding a 5.7% pay rise and moves towards implementing a promised 35-hour week. All twelve lines were fully shut down – at a cost of £60 million, and the bosses lose 3 million every strike day.

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anarchist federation ireland
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