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RESISTANCE
ISSUE 16
Paying the Blood Price
BETWEEN SEPTEMBER OF LAST YEAR and June of this, an average
of 6 American war planes a day have re-fuelled in Shannon
airport. This is because they can carry more weapons,
troops, and supplies if they stop in Ireland, than in
Britain, as that way, being a shorter journey, they need
less fuel.
Protest
On August 17th a 70 strong group of protesters defied
police orders to stay outside the airport, and by mere
fact of entering caused a warplane to leave without refuelling.
On August 31st there was a 24 hour women’s peace
camp outside the airport, with an information stall in
Shannon town itself which got a good reception. On September
1st there was a small picket outside the main terminal
building.On the night of September 3rd activists got onto
the runway and spray painted a warplane. A national demonstration
at Shannon airport has been called for October 12th. See
local posters or www.indymedia.ie for further details.
In August two American warships carrying ammunition to
the Middle East were due to stop over in Cork Harbour,
but this visit was cancelled because of planned protests.
Arms Trade
At least 14 companies with operations based in the Republic
of Ireland are involved in the international arms trade.
Each one has to get export licenses from the government.
Furthermore some them get IDA subsidies. Moog, a U.S.
arms corporation with a plant in Cork, got a IR£4.4
million grant from the government. In Ireland this company
makes parts for tanks and anti-aircraft guns (including
ones which have been sold to the genocidal Indonesian
military). It’s main business worldwide is in the
production of parts for bombers and missile systems.
PFP
In it’s previous term in office Fianna Fail brought
the Irish state into the NATO led Partnership for Peace
(P.F.P.). The P.F.P. is described in U.S. military documents
as part of an “engagement strategy” which
“serves to enhance both sides capability for successfully
making the transition to war and participating in initial
stages of combat in any future conflicts.Through the P.F.P.
the Irish army participated in NATO military exercises
in Poland in the spring of this year.
Nice
In the Nice Treaty it is planned that the E.U. will take
over the functions of the W.E.U., which is the European
based arm of NATO. It will be in command of the Rapid
Reaction Force, a European Army with 65,000 troops (plus
200,000 in reserve), and aircraft carriers, combat jets
and submarines.Through the E.U.’s Common Foreign
and Security Policy, a common front on international affairs
from all E.U. governments, the Irish Government lent diplomatic
and practical support to the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
(3,000 dead), to the Anglo- American bombing of Afghanistan
(9,000 dead) and to the government side in Columbia’s
civil war -3,500 dead per year.
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Time
Bomb - Red Clydeside and the Shop Stewards’ Movement
Subvert and resist – continuing our series on the
history of workers’ councils (a longer version of
this article appears on our website) here
IN THE DECADE OR SO before the outbreak of the first World
War, Britain, and specifically the heavily industrial Clydeside
region of Scotland, was in the grips of severe economic
depression, a depression that only a fully militarised war
economy could ever hope to come to terms with.
Although unemployment decreased slightly in the few years
immediately preceding the beginning of hostilities, inflation
rose dramatically, increasing the prices of foodstuffs,
rents and fuel, but decreasing workers’ wages by 15%.
The Clyde Valley, as a major source of supplies for the
war effort, was soon to become a hive of militancy that
would threaten the cosy, and mutually rewarding, relationship
that had developed between the government and the unions.
In February 1915, 10,000 engineering workers in Glasgow
wildcatted demanding higher wages. Gaining no support from
their own union, the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE)
the strikers decided to set up a Labour Withholding Committee
(LWC) to represent themselves and organise the strike.
The government reacted swiftly to the dangers posed by the
strike. Union ‘leaders’ were quickly called
to a special conference at which were signed the socalled
‘treasury agreements’ by which all independent
union rights, including the right to strike, were suspended
for the duration of the war. Labour was ‘diluted’
(by permitting unskilled workers to do skilled work) in
order to deal with the labour shortage and the demands for
munitions. The ‘Munitions Act’ made striking
a criminal offence (!), effectively illustrating the political-economic
nexus that safeguards capitalism when it senses even the
most incipient threat. The CWC (Clydeside Workers’
Committee) was formally formed with 200-300 delegates elected
from workplace assemblies every week. Shop stewards were
now usurping the power of the local and national ASE. By
January 1916, the CWC was directing workers in 29 Clydeside
engineering works. Following the end of the war, there were
that unemployment, following demo, would reach epic proportions.
On January 27th, 40 000 workers struck while mass pickets
everywhere shut down factories that were still operating.
By the end of the month over 100,000 were on strike. On
January 31st, on a day that was to become known as ‘Bloody
Friday’, a crowd of 35,000 were attacked without provocation
in George’s Square, Glasgow. The next day, 10,000
troops armed with machine guns were summoned to the city
(Glasgow troops were considered too unreliable) and were
supported by airplanes and tanks. The strike remained solid
throughout, only breaking when the union leadership suspended
the local branch committee and ordered a return to work.
The decline in the shop floor movement and the CWC saw power
shift yet again into the hands of full-time officials. One
of those activists most critical of the shop stewards’
movement was the anti-parliamentarian Guy Aldred. He opposed
those workers who were churning out munitions. since these
were, after all, munitions used for the purposes of war
and for the slaughtering of other members of the international
working class.
There was, in fact, a separation of industrial agitation
from the opposition to the war as though revolutionary politics
were being left behind at the factory gates. Where the committees
failed was in channelling their strength into an allout
assault on all aspects of the struggle against capitalism,
including the political struggle. Without moving beyond
merely economic demands, the CWC found themselves in no
position to combat the heavy-handed response of the boss
class supported by government. Yet the committees never
went beyond the confines of the existing unions and this
was enough to explain their lack of real revolutionary credential.
By focusing also on the political and social aspects of
struggle the committees could have made a difference, but
the inherent nature of trade unionism itself militated against
this, conditioning workers to lower aspirations and less
confident methods of self-organisation.
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Mox
Protests
WELL, THE SHIPMENT OF MOX (a fuel for nuclear plants
made fromreprocessing nuclear waste –see previous
Resistances) got through, but not before a large protest
by a flotilla of boats from Dundalk, Wexford, Arklow and
Dublin joined Welsh boats and Greenpeace’s flagship,
‘Rainbow Warrier’ at Holyhead in Wales. Irish
environmentalist group Gluaiseacht were there in force and
four activists staged a protest on the roof of the visitors’
centre, dropping banners calling on BNFL to ‘tell
the British people the truth’. They were later arrested
and released without charge. The consignment, returned to
British Nuclear Fuels (BNFL) in the UK after failing safety
protocol in Japan, had been on the high seas for several
months stoking up a storm of protest through all the international
waters it traversed. From Holyhead, under tight security,
it was transported by rail to Sellafield.
The protest is a sure sign of the growing support of the
anti-Sellafield campaign in Ireland, but one which needs
to broaden its scope and involve the local people in Louth
and Cumbria, those directly affected by fatal doses of toxic
chemicals blown over from the plant on a daily basis. If
you are interested in joininga grassroots anti-Sellafield
group, contact us. In the meantime, visit www.gluaiseacht.org
for more info.
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Let's
Get Organised
FOR
OPEN DISCUSSION AND WORKSHOPS on: Banner making, drumming,
direct action, GATS, Housing Co-ops, Worker Co-ops, the
fight against Casualisation, Social Centres, the Russian
Revolution, Sectarianism and the Trade Unions, Anti-War
Activism, Reclaim The Streets, and Indymedia. (This is
an incomplete list of proposed topics and may be subject
to change) This is the third in a series of meetings bringing
together a diverse collection of activists from non-hierarchical
movements. Venue is the Giros centre, 1 – 5 Donegall
Lane, Belfast, (October 26-27) which is just up a little
lane on your right as you pass the ‘Irish News’
offices, across the road from the ‘Front Page’
bar. Work is in progress on providing childcare facilities
and on social events for the evening after the workshops.
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RTS
Car Free Day
SUNDAY,
22ND OF SEPTEMBER saw RTS once again take to the streets
of Dublin to reclaim what should rightfully be ours, public
space! The party was by all means a great success with
1,000+ people attending the weekend party which coincided
with International Car Free Day. I took a one and a half
hour trip (on car free day!) from Kildare into the city
which should have only been a 40 minutes trip to take
part in the festivities and I wasn’t disapointed.
The party began early with Critical Mass leaving Connolly
station at around 1.15pm and reaching Baggott Street at
around 2.10p.m.. We met the main partygoersat Stephen’s
Green at 2 o clock,where we followed one of the two designated
colour groups who if necessary, would take two different
routes to Baggott Street to meet up with Critical Mass.
We arrived at Baggott Street 10-15 minutes later and it
was here that we saw that the crowd of 700 or so at Stephen’s
Green had by now swollen to well over 1000 people.
The RTS organiser’s had everything needed for a
party on Baggott Street, including a sound system that
was tucked away in a van. Within a few minutes, the music
was set up (despite some technical faults at first), police
desended on the areaand people started partying. Among
the other activities was free street theatre, an Irish
adaption of Death of an Anarchist by Spacecraft, jugglers,
dancing, fire jugglers, skateboarding kids, families and
even members of the disabled community (who also took
part in the Critical Mass). Police activity unlike last
year was peaceful, except for buzzing the party for the
entire afternoon with a copper chopper. Party goers did
their own thing, that was the point of the event, to reclaim
a street, use it as a symbol of what our cities should
be like and to empower people. No doubt, people walked
away from the party later in the evening possibly planning
there own RTS, planning to take part in activities that
would change there communities, challenege capitalism
and perhaps even changing the way they approach every
day.
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Bloody
Students
On September 24th a mob of sixty UCD students blocked T.D.
Brian Lenihan’s entrance to the opening of a new Fianna
Fail archive in the University. The original scissors wielder
for the grand unveiling of what is presumably a collection
of brown paper envelopes, planning permission notices, and
faded photos of maidens dancing at crossroads, was to be
Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy. Alleged “Hardman”
Mcreevy appears to have been daunted by the prospect of
an encounter with the student rabble, and so sent his minion
Lenihan instead. Probably has enough on his hands with his
own twenty something year old. Another action in response
to the beginning of the re-introduction of Third Level fees
took place during the next day.
Seven students from UCD, Trinity and Maynooth, outwitted
security guards and burst into theDepartment of Education
offices, to successfully barricade themselves into a boardroom
for nine hours. Meanwhile outside hundreds more gathered
in fury at the Government’s massive increase in bogus
“registration” fees, and their proposed return
to the days of full fees. In the aftermath of recent reports
showing the extent to which private fee paying schools (which
if memory serves me right, are subsidised by the state)
produce University students, and the extent to which University
access is class determined, the Government has came out
with a “social justice” spin on fees. It is
claimed that they would just have fees for the privileged
and use the funds acquired to promote wider access to University.
Well that, as they say in the ancient Anglo-Saxon manuscripts,
is total bollox. For starters they are currently cutting
back on such access programmes. Then there’s the grant
system, let’s take a look at that, supposedly there
to help poorer students. About half of one per cent of the
University intake is of students whose parents are employed
in unskilled or semi-skilled occupations. I’m one
of that particular elite. But judged by my parent’s
income I would not be eligible for a grant. Non-PAYE persons,
who, as they can dodge their tax, and thus have a lower
official income than their actual one, can this way have
grants for their children. Rather than aiming to end the
two tier education system, the end result of the Government’s
programme will be to expand it. The Irish Government is
committed to the E.U. project, as they are so fond of telling
us, and the E.U. is committed to the introduction of the
World Trade Organisation’s General Agreement on Trade
in Services (GATS). Under which, education, along with just
about everything else, is to be “liberalised”
with a far greater role for the so-called “private
sector”, i.e. big business. Now as even Charlie McReevy
must know nobody is going to invest in anything unless they
are going to get a return, so increased payment for services
is an inevitable component of “liberalisation”.
As we all know about payment, there’s some who can
pay, and some who can’t. The Campaign For Free Education,
whose actions are described above, is mostly UCD based,
but is looking to expand outward and develop contacts with
like minded malcontents elsewhere. Their aim is both to
block the reintroduction of fees and to expand the grant.
Visit: www.campaignforfreeeducation.cjb.net
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Carrickmines
Castle
SINCE LATE AUGUST ACTIVISTS have been occupying the grounds
of Carrickmines Castle, a site of great historical importance,
due to be obliterated by road construction. This despite
the rather obvious fact the road could go around, rather
than through, our heritage. A medieval well at the site
Cian O’Callaghan, spokesperson for the occupation,
said: “575 million euro is been spent on the South
Eastern Motorway which is the final part of the M50 C-Ring
Motorway around Dublin. It is outrageous that such a large
amount of money is been spent without preserving the archaeological
site at Carrickmines Castle. The excavations, which ended
on Friday, are still vastly incomplete. If the road goes
ahead without realignment we will never know what historical
artefacts have been lost. Carrickmines Castle has a unique
history and heritage value. It was a Norman Castle that
played a central role in the defence of the Pale. This role
was vital during the nine years war in the 16th century.
The castle was destroyed in 1642 when Irish Confederate
rebels were besieged and massacred by the English at Carrickmines.
If you want to go down to help, or contribute much needed
supplies, take the Dublin Bus route no.63 from Fleet Street.The
website for more info. is www.carrickminescastle.org
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On
the Frontline
Social
Security Agency staff to strike
Over 2,000 social security workers in Northern Ireland
struck at the beginning of the month over plans to extend
opening hours and increase their workloads.Workers at
35 social security offices around the province are to
hold a half day stoppage.An overtime ban is also to be
introduced from Thursday. Social Security Agency bosses
are providing no additional resources to meet the extra
workload, workers are not prepared to take on the extra
work at the same time as losing the benefits of their
‘flexi time’, or flexible working hours, scheme.
Another Blow ForWorkers in the North
Coming on the heels of devastation caused to local textile
workers, their families and communities, by capitalism’s
shift in the industry to sweatshops across the globe,
electronics workers, particularly those in high tech industries,
are fast becoming NorthernIreland’s latest victims
of multi-nationals abilities to up sticks and dump them
for cheaper labour some where else on the planet. The
redundancy of another 80 people, previously profited out
of by Solectron, in Carrickfergus, County Antrim, is the
tip of the iceberg, and comes as the second jobs blow
for the area in days.The news follows the announcement
last week of 135 job losses with the closure of Getty
Communications in Carrickfergus. Solectron first came
to Northern Ireland in 2000. It had taken over assembly
work for telecommunications company Nortel, a Canadian
owned multinational hi-tech corporation which operates
in over 100 countries. Blaming the downturn in the technology
sector, Solectron closed another factory in Carrickfergus
last year, with the loss of more than 200 jobs.Nortel
themselves have now cutmore than 1,000 jobs in the province.
In 2001, Nortel made more than 800 people redundant at
its plant in Newtownabbey, County Antrim.
Railway Workers to Join Low Pay Revolt?
Northern Ireland Railway workers are to ballot for industrial
action following the rejection of the companies latest,
‘revised’ pay offer. Under threat of privatisation
following Peter Robinson’s announcement that Translink
and the NITHCo are to be wound up to make way for a public
transport company which can be legally privatised, having
been on the receiving end of worsening conditions, company
bullying and corner cutting and a low pay high over time
culture for years, workers are clearly saying enough is
enough in their rejection of this latest offer. This is
not enough! Workers must take the only step now open to
them industrial action. Solid, decisive action to ‘put
manners on the management’, is a necessity both
in terms of advancing this pay claim and preparing the
way for a strong anti-privatisation campaign across the
public transport industry.
-a
personal report from a member of the Anarcho-Syndicalist
Federation
Meanwhile, From across the water...
Wildcat strikes returned to the postal services with 30
workers at the Filton (Bristol) Royal Mail Cashco depot
walking out unannounced – to be joined later by
90 members of the morning shift. The walkout was over
the planned selling off of part of the business to Securicor
– who were also the inspiration for a wildcat in
Scotland where stoppages at Broxburn, West Lothian and
Glasgow took place after they were sold part of Consignias
cashhandling services. More trouble on the London Underground
– a 24-hour strike on the 25th is to be followed
by another on 3rd October. Drivers are demanding a 5.7%
pay rise and moves towards implementing a promised 35-hour
week. All twelve lines were fully shut down – at
a cost of £60 million, and the bosses lose 3 million
every strike day.
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anarchist
federation ireland
www.afireland.cjb.net | contact@afireland.cjb.net
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