Playing
the race card
As the ‘peace process’ hits yet another brick wall,
the rise of racism in the north is viewed by some as the price
we will have to pay for ‘normalisation’, as though
the blow-torch of sectarian invective will simply switch its focus
on another set of blameworthies, marked out as somehow ‘different’.
In fact, with the recent electoral success of Sinn Fein and the
DUP, the north is facing months, if not years, of continued polarisation.
Racists from the WNP (White Nationalist Party), the BNP (British
Nazi Party) and others are not, however, waiting for one –ism
(sectarianism) to leave by the back door before breaking into
the house with another.
Racism in our society is not a new phenomenon: ethnic groups have
experienced institutionalised racism and racist attacks throughout
the ‘troubles’. Travellers have been and continue
to be among the most discriminated against groups in Irish society
north and south. What cannot be doubted is that racism must be
tackled.
Statistics
The dramatic rise in the number of "racial incidents"
in the north over recent years is illustrated clearly by statistics. Between
1996 and 1999, more than 350 race-motivated attacks were reported,
a 400% increase on the previous period. The number of attacks
on children also doubled - rising from 8.5% of total attacks in
1996 to more than 16% in 1999. The annual total increased from
186 to 269 incidents between 1999 and 2000 - a rise of 45%.
Over the last two years these high levels of attack have continued.
226 racial incidents were reported between April 2002 and April
2003, with 185 such attacks in the previous year. Also,
due to victims’ fears over coming forward and their lack
of confidence in the police tackling racist violence, the official
statistics are likely to significantly understate the extent of
the problem.
The truth is that Northern Ireland is fast-becoming the race-hate
capital of Europe, breaking the UK’s record for the number
of racist attacks: spitting and stoning in the street, human excrement
on doorsteps, swastikas on walls, pipe bombs, arson, the ransacking
of houses with baseball bats and crow bars, and white supremacist
leaflets nailed to front doors.
Attacks
In the last few months, the Chinese community, the largest ethnic
minority in the north, and which has had a presence here since
the 1960s, has borne the brunt of most of these attacks. A local
estate agent in the Village area of south Belfast has been warned
not to accommodate ‘Chinese, Blacks, or Asians’. Ten
tenants have already been forced out via a systematic campaign
of racial abuse. Last month, Ugandan and Romanian families were
burned out. A six-foot plank was hurled through the front window
of the home of a Pakistani woman who was eight months pregnant.
She and her brother-in-law had moved in just twelve hours earlier.
A Swedish family were burned out of their homes in Lurgan, presumably
because they spoke with an accent (!), and a few miles away in
Portadown there is continuing friction around the proposal to
build a mosque in the area.
Role
of loyalism?
With the standing down of the South Belfast commander of the UVF,
following the racist attacks in the Village area, denials of loyalist
paramilitary involvement ring hollow. Earlier in the year David
Ervine, in an interview with Matthew Collins published in the
February edition of Searchlight magazine, stated that he was in
no position to “legislate for arseholes” and that;
“Racism is not acceptable to me and the UVF leadership has
assured me that they are not going to sanction racist attacks,
nor am I going to stand by and allow it to go unchallenged.”
Links have and do undoubtedly exist between loyalism and fascism,
both are ideologically based on British nationalism. While perhaps
the leadership of loyalism may, in the words of Patrick Yu of
the Chinese Welfare Association, “seem very serious”
about taking responsibility and confronting racism it remains
to be seen just how effective people like Ervine will be in confronting
racism. They have already stated that the BNP is welcome to stand
here – while of course denying that they will get many votes.
Whether the standing down of the UVF commander who “sanctioned”
racist attacks in the Village puts a stop to such attacks remains
to be seen.
According to a report in the Observer newspaper (December 28th
2003), a leading UDA figure in the area stated;
“…he would not tolerate or sanction any attacks on
the ethnic minority community by any of his members.”
South Belfast DUP spokesperson Mark Robinson has claimed that
it was merely a coincidence that racist attacks were taking place
in loyalist areas. Even after the attack on the home
of a Muslim family, and death threats against Muslim leaders in
Craigavon, some local councillors were still denying that there
was any racism there. Former Unionist Party Mayor Fred Crowe
said;
"I do not accept that there is racism in Craigavon.
It would be better if the police did their job in the area and
concentrated on paramilitaries and drug dealers."
The PUP have supported Filipino workers in Antrim, and recently
issued a joint statement with NICEM condemning racist attacks.
A small number of loyalists were also present at the recent anti-racist
rally in Belfast. Many loyalists are undoubtedly sincere in their
anti-racism and identify fascism and nazism as ideologies which
many of their parents and grandparents died to rid the world of
in W.W.II.
Combat
18, the WNP and two BNP's
Combat 18 (a violent paramilitary nazi organisation named after
the position of Adolf Hitler’s initials in the alphabet)
banners have been reported at Seaview football ground. Nick Griffin,
British National Party (who have tried to recast themselves as
the respectable face of British fascism) leader, has been reported
as visiting ‘disaffected’ loyalists in recent weeks.
The White Nationalist Party, a split from the British Nationalist
Party, have according to the Sunday Life newspaper, been recruiting
throughout north Antrim, mainly in Ballymena, but with cells also
in Portadown and south Belfast. Another of the groups currently
circulating hate literature is the November 9 Society. Also known
as the British Nazi Party, the group takes its name from the anniversary
of Kristallnacht - the night in 1938 when Nazi mobs went on the
rampage throughout Germany, killing almost 100 Jews and destroying
thousands of Jewish-owned businesses. The BNP is thought to be
preparing to target Dungannon and the area covered by South Tyrone
borough council, where there is a growing population of Portuguese
migrant workers.
Both the WNP and British Nazi Party have denied responsibility
for the recent increase in racial tension. One source for the
BNP has claimed that:
"The people who go out to commit those type of acts are unhinged.
And whether they read our literature, or anyone else's literature,
if they are that way inclined that's what they will do."
So when the words (hinged, naturally!) on the leaflet say:
"Asylum seekers would be asked to leave immediately; if they
refused they would be marched to the coast, by the Army, and told
to swim"
…anyone reading the words, agreeing with them, and attempting
to put them into action are somehow ‘unhinged’ while
the authors are not.(?) (Sunday Life, July 13th 2003).
The
Far Right on the move?
Tactically, the far right wants to be in place and ready to capitalise
politically on any “explosion” in the number of asylum-seekers
entering the North. Already the government and media across the
UK and Ireland are doing much of the ground work for them –
with regular scare stories about “gypsy invasions”,
“floods of immigrants”, “maternity tourism”
and “welfare scroungers”.
The far right’s key date will be the summer of 2005 when
local government elections are scheduled, with speculation that
the BNP, NF and WNP will try to repeat some of the election successes
of the British National Party in England.
As
libertarian communists, members of Organise! and others in the
north, need to rise to the challenge. We are aware of how racism
is used to scapegoat failed economic policies, and to divide our
class. We need to counter this with our own vision of multi-culturalism,
flourishing in a world without borders, and without the fiction
of racial difference.
Al