ZAP / ARK
GAJEVA 55
10 000 ZAGREB
CROATIA
zap_zg@geocities.com
http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Senate/3707/
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WOMEN IN BLACK AGAINST WAR
AN APPEAL TO GOVERNMENTS MEMBERS OF NATO
Ever since 1991 Women in Black against War from Belgrade have been
actively working for peace and non violence. The policy which
characterizes Women in Black against War begins with confronting with
every form of violence, war, militarism, nationalism. Since 1991 the
biggest casualty on the territory of Former Yugoslavia has been the
civilian population. It is happening again now.
Values which we are supporting are life, solidarity, respecting of
differences. For 8 years already we have been developing a network of
exchange and solidarity against war which involves women from all the
continents, among them are of course, also women from countries of NATO.
As a women's organization which has always been engaged against
militarism, that is, against all forms of military intervention, this
time too it is against the military intervention of NATO against FRY.
Until now we have always had support and solidarity from women's and
peace movement in Europe and USA. Unfortunately, the governments of
these countries didn't take into account the work of the peace movements
in their countries let alone the activity of the peace movement in FRY.
We, Women in Black against War from Belgrade demand from the governments
members of the NATO:
? TO STOP IMMEDIATELY THE BOMBINGS ON THE TERRITORY OF FRY
? TO ESTABLISH THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS AND AN INTERNATIONAL PEACE
CONFERENCE ON BALKANS
? TO ENABLE THE REFUGEES, EXPELLED AND DISPLACED POPULATION FROM KOSOVO,
IF THEY WISH TO, TO COME BACK OR GO TO THIRD COUNTRIES
We demand from Women in Black and all women's peace organizations to
give this appeal to their governments.
Human rights and democracy cannot be imposed by bombs and weapons but
can only be instigated by negotiations and support to all powers which
are firmly for human rights and democracy.
BELGRADE 20th April 1999
WOMEN IN BLACK AGAINST WAR
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LETTER OF DISTRESS
This word - nevolja (meaning distress, trouble, affliction) - is
haunting
me. In Croatian means lack of will; it suggest also somebody who
is not
loved. Seems to be that lack of will comes from general feeling of
powerlessness. Or it is maybe other way around? It is describing very well
place from where I am coming from. The place from which I do want to move
on, and distance myself. At same time I want to change it. This letter
helps
me to think. I will therefore not speak about Balkan or South Eastern
Europe - the newest euphemism which is supposed to comfort us because of
stigma linked with anything connected with Balkan - I will speak about
our
common distress.
In 1985 I was in Brezovica, at the bottom of the Sar mountain. In Kosova.
A
few years after the student demonstrations in Pristina. During the meeting
at the Faculty of philosophic sciences, at which the police was
following every spoken word, going back to my hotel room, I have startled
two policemen digging through my things. I asked them what they were doing.
They have responded: "We have come because of the leak in the bathroom."
The
fact that I replied how I have not noticed any leak did not seem to upset
them. They supposed that it is enough polite to offer any kind of
excuse
for their snooping around the room. They have searched the other
rooms as
well. During the discussions in the conference room we tried to overcome
our own discomfort by laughing. We have puffed ourselves with spite and
fearlessness. The difference between us and all the participants from Kosovo
was only in the fact, that most of us went back to our homes and could
follow only from a distance how things are getting worse. Those who were
living there did not have a choice.
It was 1987 or 1988. We got off from Pec towards Prokletije. Since then
I
have not walked through the mountains of a remarkable name (meaning damned
mountains) situated between
Albania, Kosovo and Montenegro. I remember how it was difficult to get
any
kind of map of that territory. And I remember as well that we needed a
special permit. Along the way on a wind-swept area, we have met some
shepherds who would ask us a hundred and one police questions: "Where do
you
come from? What business brings you here? " Not only out of curiosity,
rather out of official duty. They were doing their job. Women
in mountain
huts
eager for conversation were feeding us with cheese and milk and were
dreaming of a world they have not learned about. They have traveled a few
times a year. With the sheep. From the village to the mountain and back.
They had no choice.
Then I stopped at the bottom of Bogdas; of gray rock and an unusually
symmetrical peak, without any trees and with the traces of eternal snow.
I
have not climbed it. I would have had to turn off my track. And waste/spend
two or three valuable hours. I have only said: "Next time", although
the
peak looked especially alluring. There might not be another time. Only
refugees and armies are passing Prokletije now - because they have to -
because they do not have any other choice.
Last summer I was in Pristina and was lucky not to talk to any policeman
from any police patrol. The space of choices has indescribably narrowed.
As
much as the breathing-space can be narrowed under racist pressure. I can't
even think of what is was like to suffer the fear all these years. After
the
war in Bosnia and Hercegovina, the war stirred up where, in my opinion
it
started - on Kosovo. The human rights violations of the Albanians
were
getting more horrible. I have stood for international mediation and a
protectorate.
When I returned to Zagreb, the days were passing more or less with
unsuccessful strains to get Croatia make possible for people from Serbia
and
Kosovo - who have stood for peace for years - to participate
in the
conference "Choosing peace together". After long talks with the Ministry
of
internal affairs, neither Stasa Zajovic from Women in Black came, nor
Shkelzen Maliqi. The car with Leonora Visoka from Pristina crashed into
a
landmine. But even if this did not happen, she would not be able to come
-
because she did not get the Croatian visa. Neither Jelena Santic
was able
to get it, nor Zdravko Marjanovic from Backa Palanka, nor Manda Prising
from
Sombor. Because they were working on the restoration of communication for
years. Because the police from Croatia and Serbia was
still CO-operating nicely.
I wanted for something to move, for space to be opened, for all of us to
get
out of the cramp that has taken hold of us for so many years....to stop
the
long slow sustaining deterioration.
But I have not thought that NATO would decide for such type of action.
I did
not want them to put all the Albanians into
a trap, and along with them all those who have ever dared to speak out
against Milosevic. I hear this sentence often these days. I have hopped
that
the ones in power would react years ago, during the time when
Albanian men
and women
were still nonviolently resisting. But then the whole worry of the
international institutions has reduced on the documenting and counting
of
human rights
violations.
GOALS
When NATO decided to react and went ahead with the bombing - I was not
convinced by Clinton's speeches.
I am asking myself constantly what do they want to be accomplished? And
how
does NATO measure the success of a military action?
The first mentioned goal at the beginning of the NATO bombing was to prevent
a humanitarian catastrophe. And to make MIlosevic to sign the Rambouillet
agreement.
Afterwards president Clinton pointed out that Milosevic would pay a high
price. I don't care how high a price Milosevic will pay. Of course I want
to
see him in court in Haag, but what I am really interested in is how many
people will pay with their lives or exile.
Then he started talking about the war between Serbia and the NATO forces,
then about the war between the NATO forces and Milosevic. The agreement
was
not mentioned anymore, at least not in the statements of the NATO forces
representatives.
An article in the last issue of "The Economist" starts with "War with
Milosevic". Is the goal of the NATO forces to knock down Milosevic?
Or is the goal something else, a third option....
The refugees are now in Macedonia and Albania. Will this rock the fragile
balance of these poor countries?
LEGALIZATION AND LEGITIMACY
I suppose that NATO has no cover for the action in international
conventions, for the Security Council of United Nations has not adopted
any
special resolution
before the attack, but has only concluded post festum that the action
is
legal. However, it's a fact that the action did not get the support of
the
government of Russia, nor China, nor India, and these governments represent
almost 40% of the world's population ( and at least two governments got
the
support at the elections). Inspite of the fact that the world organization
has declared that the action is legal, according to the existing system
of
international law, the action is not legal.However I know as well that
NATO
reacted after huge international pressure. Numerous governments,
non-governmental organizations and the public, whose opinion is seen in
the
analysis of public opinion, agree that the action is legitimate.
I consider the action not legal. It was legitimate to act.
Certainly NATO
had legitimacy to act but not on this way. For years I was waiting on
response of international institutions. But not such one.
WHAT IS ACTUALLY GOING ON?
The view naturally depends on the position of the observer.
As much as information I receive, from not so numerous sources, inform
me,
from Zagreb it looks like progressive demolition of complete infrastructure
of FRY. Of military objects, bridges, telecommunications, water systems.
Military objects but also of all things which make life easier. From
drinkable water to travel.
At the same time Serbian army and police make Kosovo Albanians leave their
homes. It looks as they've reached the critical point and forced out more
than 60% of population and exposed themselves more to NATO attacks.
Albanians who are still in Kosova are hostages. Even if they want to leave,
Serbian forces now let them out one by one. They add crimes onto
crimes.
Ethnical cleansing is in action. A few years ago I'd use the word genocide,
but let's let the Int. Court in Haag decide on that.
I telephone a lot. Sometimes I reach somebody. Either in Belgrade or in
Tetovo or in Sombor. The voice bridges kilometers. And ofted I don't know
what to say. I just want to be at the other side of the line for some people
i love. But for days now there are no voices from Pristina. Just silence.
Deadly.
It is important for me to stay in contact with people I worked with in
the
past. We have managed to support each others during different wars and
encouraged ourselves in moments when it seemed as if solidarity has vanished
and that there's no more chance for a decent living.
RESPONSIBILITY FOR WHAT WAS DONE
The biggest responsibility is on Slobodan Milosevic's regime. But I think
that we can't deny the responsibility for crimes committed in the name
of
Serbian cause which falls on all citizens of Yugoslavia which haven't
directly objected to oppression of Albanians.
New factor is that for the current wave of refugees is responsible NATO
because by taking action they have taken responsibility as well. I don't
doubt their intentions but are actions to be judged only by that. What
is
important to evaluate the success is to simply take a look at the mission's
goal. If they wanted to accomplish their first stated goal then they've
failed. Refugees in Albania and Macedonia live in impossible conditions.
If
they wanted to destroy Milosevic, then they're far from it. It looks like
the whole Serbia has gathered around Milosevic in their wish to resist
NATO
attacks. Milosevic has silenced independent media, civil initiatives have
lost their voice in Serbia.
WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE FUTURE OF KOSOVO?
The problem couldn't be solved only within Yugoslavia. It was almost
impossible to find a common point between Albanian claims for independent
state (from which they were prepared to back off when they've signed the
Rambouillet agreement) and Serbian ones for territorial integrity of
Yugoslavia. Albanians have though showed that they're prepared to negotiate.
And Milosevic's regime has once again showed that it won't step down from
it
's position without the use of force. But I think that there were more
answers to the question "What kind of force" than the one NATO is presenting
now.
With calls for an international intervention Albanians have put their hopes
in the hands of international institutions. Now when more than half of
Kosovo Albanians have fled from Kosovo, and silenced Serbian civil
initiatives can't raise their voice through censured media, the
responsibility for their future has mainly fallen into the hands of
different international institutions.
This sort of responsibility NATO certainly won't and now even can't put
aside.
NATO, a military association by definition, has taken a political role
as
well. Since other institutions are silent, only political consequences
of a
military action "speak". And NATO spokesman as well. In that way NATO
becomes a key acter in Balkan politics.
It is not completely clear which political goal was supposed to be
accomplished through he bombing. Besides, it is not on NATO to define this
goal. It is time for United Nations (the only legitimate world's
organization
responsible for peace building operations - no matter what we think of
their
efficiency) to have a say. It is time for Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe and European Parliament to say something. It
is time for European Commission as well. And not with a couple of options
what Milosevic should sign. What if he doesn't sign anything?
If NATO has used the war in Bosnian and Herzegovina for it's transformation
and according to that it's own mission - UN, OSCE, EP and EC can do that
as
well. The peace building test can be a challenge which will reshape rusty
institutions without which 21st century will be very hard.
Only with the help of international institutions conditions for building
human relations and trust can be built. Is war machinery the only thing
world can provide?
Vesna Terselic
Zagreb, April 12, 1999.
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Dear friends,
Info about Zaginflatch is available on request.
Basically, with this newsletter we want to inform the international
community (this is you) on how antiauthoritarians in Yugoslavia and
ex-Yugoslavia feel in these moments. Also, as people who have experienced
air raids and general alerts, we want to support our friends in Yugoslavia
who are experiencing this today. We don't want to prejudice any political
solutions to Kosovo and other ex-yu problems, we just want to help our
friends, and support them in this way. All opinions published in
Zaginflatch will be just personal ones. There is no joint platform.
Zaginflatch will bring you hardly any news in the way mainstream media
does
it. For this kind of info we suggest you try cnn, bbc or some other
services. They are available to you anyway.. This is meant to come from
inside... Also, if you're into alternative news sources, we suggest you
try
at www.b92.net ...
Zagreb Anarchist Movement (ZAP)
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