Black Flag 218 index
Review
Twenty-first Century Anarchism: Unorthodox Ideas for a New Millennium
A Review Article by Graham Purchase
Twenty-first Century Anarchism: Unorthodox Ideas for a New Millennium
Various authors, edited by Jon Purkis and James Bowen. London, Cassell,
1997
ISBN 0-304-33743-9
This collection of essays is optimistically introduced with the
statement: "Modern anarchism has long since needed a major overhaul, and
this book...while happily rejecting much of the historical baggage...is
part of a new theoretical and practical tradition which has started to
develop over the last few years." There is little that is futuristic or
original about this book. It is an ethnocentric survey of the last few
decades of Twentieth century British (sub) culture by a group of trendy
academics and PhD students. The "new theoretical tradition" is that of
the completely fraudulent gibberish collectively known as
post-modernism/structuralism. This is blended with a generous serving of
liberal environmentalism and a little post-modern feminism. The
"practical" revolutionary tactics of the next millennium are, we are
told, best illustrated/foreshadowed by aspects of youth subculture and
the road protest movement. The unnecessary "historical baggage" is a
neat euphemism that really means the authors reject any meaningful
industrial and class analysis whatsoever. In this respect the book can
be likened to "new labour" in comparison to traditional labour party
politics.
The introductory essays are rather traditional academic articles. The
first examines concepts of human nature. It concludes that the
traditional anarchist notion of the environmental malleability of human
nature conflicts with the rather deterministic assertion that power
always corrupts. This contradictory duality, it is suggested, rather
than theoretically undermining the anarchist position is a creative
antinomy grounded in empirical fact. The essay ends by warning (as if we
needed warning!) anarchists against new rightism/libertarianism, (with
its inherently authoritarian notion of a minimal state) and
existentialism (with its emphasis on human choice--as the people can
equally well choose fascism or anarchism!). This typically parasitic
academic essay is entirely unoriginal and adds nothing whatsoever to
anarchist theory. The second essay criticises state-welfarism on the
familiar grounds that it is biased in favour of the middle classes (in
terms of access to health facilities and uni education), it merely
contains capitalism, and encourages individualistic atomism through
discouraging spontaneous and local mutual aid. Many anarchists, and
no/low state socialists have been saying this for years. The essay
argues for the development of participatory neighbourhood self-help
groups but offers no practical suggestions nor examines any contemporary
examples. The third essay focuses on non-violent resistance. It
liberally quotes from (the ascetic state-nationalist) Gandhi and focuses
upon road protests in the UK. The industrial aspects/origins of the
concept and practice of direct action within the workers" movement are
not discussed at all!?
The second part of the book examines contemporary (alternative) culture.
The first essay examines the "Anarchy in the UK Festival", chiding
members of the Black Flag group and other old-fashioned workerist
fanatics for ridiculing bizarre sub-cultural critiques and their blanket
rejection of popular (TV) media as a monolithic vehicle for promoting
undiluted capitalist propaganda. With a fair-wack of meaningless
post-modern jargon the author surveys some examples of "subversive"
British cultural trends/movements/writings. There is a long discussion
of "Mr Blobby", some trash TV personality, of whom the rest of the world
(out side Britain) are thankfully unfamiliar. As usual with so many
British political works (which seem to unintentionally assume that they
are still the Centre of some vast world wide empire) this analysis is
ethnocentric, insular and of no interest or relevance to people from
other countries (including other English speaking former colonies such
as Australia). The second essay continues with the same themes. It asks
us to reject traditional (read: economic, class, industrial, workerist)
methods of social resistance in favour of "symbolic, playful and
culturally expressed" ones (since when has anarchism not been interested
in culture?). A number of self-edited/produced xerox zines are reviewed.
These reviews are remarkable only in the degree of vacuity and fatuity
they exhibit. Self-indulgent, occasionally humorous, but essentially
useless marginalia is certainly symbolic and playful. Nobody denies that
symbolic playfulness (re political humour) is a part of life, and a nice
part, but it is hardly the stuff of revolutions. Political humour is
more a way of letting off steam by laughing at those who oppress, rule
or frustrate you. Beyond this, the political cartoon and other forms of
satire have a long history in both mainstream and revolutionary media,
but the author seems painfully unaware of this historical dimension. The
next essay is more interesting and examines the rise and fall of DIY
culture and record labels during the punk music/fashion era (in which I
grew up and am familiar with the bands/labels he mentions). Again,
however, the author assumes that this is a completely new phenomenon.
There is however, a long tradition of youth and other marginalised
groups (eg Black Americans) creating their own unique entertainment with
very limited resources. The cotton pickin" blues singers which started
rock n roll was co-opted and commercialised by white imitators. And
every new generation have created their own interpretation and
expression of it. Fashion and musical expression has always come from
the people. The media did not create rock n roll, flower power, punk, or
the rave scene etc. Again and again in the twentieth century young
people who can"t afford the pre-packaged entertainment offered them and
wishing to differentiate themselves from the previous generation have
generated their own expressions. Commercialisation comes later. The
entertainment/fashion industry is big business and has always lived off
the popular creativity of the masses. This is undoubtedly an interesting
area of inquiry. However, fashion, and the youth who create it, are
transient and epiphenomenal aspects of life. We cannot and should not
ignore it, but politics is essentially about economic and social
battles, not teenage fashion statements. The last essay on culture
examines the ambiguous notion of "subversion" as a literary, legal and
political term. It begins by raising a few interesting points but
degenerates behind a smokescreen of post-modernist verbiage.
The final section of the book is cryptically entitled "If Not Now,
When?". It contains 4 essays. The first examines transport. It is a
largely unoriginal philosophical overview of personal-transport politics
in relation to spatial (re geographical) and environmental issues. It
offers no practical solutions (other than individual lifestyle choices)
and adds little to an important and ongoing debate. The next essay
thinly examines the decline in full-time employment/work-ethic and
uninspiringly promotes the anti work/why work? position. It ends by
suggesting that May 2nd should be declared a "day of idleness". Even
this idea is not original but attributed by the author to a bunch of
Argentinain beach bums. I might point out that orthodox Jews (re:
Sabbath) have practiced this on a weekly basis for four or five thousand
years. The penultimate essay looks at sexual transgression and how the
public exhibition of unorthodox sexualities sometimes fails to address
broader issues of social change. To this is added a few scattered
comments on post-modernism and cyber-sex. The ending of this book is
truly bizarre. It consists of a series of quite unrelated and half-baked
paragraphs by some would-be futurist/novelist who fictionally presents
some pessimistic and optimistic flashes of several imagined futures.
Although the idea of ending a book (which is purportedly futurist) with
a short work of fiction is not inherently silly, what we are presented
with is very, very silly and completely incoherent. In order to
deconstruct presumably one must construct something first.
Although this book contains a few scattered insights and some of the
discussions are in themselves interesting or entertaining, as one would
hope from an anthology comprising of the work of many (university
lecturer and student) brains, from the point of view of anarchist theory
it has absolutely nothing of value to offer. In so far as it does not
provide any introduction to anarchism for someone unfamiliar with the
idea/movement, and explicitly rejects traditional anarchist
ideas/practices, it is positively harmful. It can only serve to confuse
and obfuscate. Utter Crap! Shame on all of you!
Graham Purchase