by Guest » Mon Nov 09, 2009 11:09 pm
Anyone who tells me that it's "dangerous" for me to have a say in decisions, commensurate to the degree that I am impacted by them, and that I need to be "checked" and "balanced" so that I and my fellow slavering wolves don't devour the quivering sheep, is (a) my enemy, and (b) an idiot who doesn't understand that the very notion of "having a say in decisions, commensurate to the degree that we are impacted by them" stands in absolute contradiction to the notion of defenseless sheep being devoured by wolves (the sheep being impacted most of all!). Whether you realize it or not, you are arguing the bourgeois line.
Before universal suffrage, before newspapers, when political discourse was restricted to an aristocratic elite, all politically educated men knew that democracy was dangerous, probably the worst fate that could befall a state. It meant rule by the mob, the plebs, the villains or, if you knew your Aristotle, "rule by the poor." It was the tyranny of the majority, rule by mass meetings that could ride roughshod over the law, where neither person nor property was safe.
A republic stood, by contrast, for sound government. Rome, the original republic, renowned for martial prowess and sagacious laws, remained its lasting epitome. The ideal constitution, it secured for the wealthy the enjoyment of their estates, secure from the depredations of tyranny or the rapine of the mob. To the plebs it gave citizenship, the right to elect their tribunes and above all the right to bear arms and fight for the glory of the republic. Legislation and executive power, in contrast, were the preserve of a political elite -- the senate.
When the slaveholders and bourgeoisie of the American colonies rebelled against the crown, relying as they did on an army of free citizens, and being at the same time desirous of securing their properties, they settled upon the republican form of government that had so well served their ancient forebears. By this act they formed the die from which modern republics and republicanism have been cast.
Its keystone was election, both of the legislature and the magistracy -- presidents, governors, judges. Until the early 19th century, the idea of a "democratic republic" was a self-evident contradiction. A republic was the means by which the state could be secured against the danger of democracy. For democracy, it was understood, used not elections but the "chaotic" and "anarchic" institutions of the mass assembly or selection of officials and legislatures by lot.
Pre-bourgeois political theorists from Aristotle to Machiavelli knew its function -- to give the masses the illusion of power, whilst ensuring that it remained, in reality, in the hands of the upper classes. Any person has the right to stand for election, but if a poor tradesman stands in election against a sophisticated and urbane lawyer, nine times out of ten the lawyer wins. Freely elected legislatures are almost devoid of poor men, and totally devoid of poor women. But bourgeois theorists could not be so frank. They thus retained the republican form of government, whilst telling the people "this is democracy." There is no such thing as bourgeois democracy. What they call democracy is nothing of the sort -- it is oligarchy, rule by the few, rule by the rich.
The real meaning of democracy was thus forgotten, and for over a century those believing themselves to be democratic radicals have struggled for its practical antithesis -- the republic.