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Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library Manifesto of the International Working Peoples’ Association Autobiographical Notes by Raffaele Schiavina aka Max Sartin How
to find Your Local Wobbly History
Manifesto
of the International Working Peoples’ Association
The
Pittsburgh Manifesto was drafted by a committee consisting of Victor Drury (a
refugee from the Paris Commune,) Johann Most, Albert Parsons, Joseph Reifgraber
(Editor of ‘Die Parole’, St. Louis) and August Spies. It was adopted by the
Pittsburgh Congress of the International Working Peoples’ Association in
October 1883.
The
Pittsburgh Manifesto to the Workingmen of America
FELLOW-WORKMEN:
The Declaration of Independence says:
"…But
when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same
object, evinces a design to reduce them (the people) under absolute Despotism,
it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government and provide new
guards for their future security."
This
thought of Thomas Jefferson was the justification for armed resistance by our
forefathers, which gave birth to our Republic, and do not the necessities of our
present time compel us to reassert their declaration?
Fellow-Workmen,
we ask you to give us your attention for a few moments. We ask you candidly to
read the following manifesto issued in your behalf, in the behalf of your wives
and children, in behalf of humanity and progress.
Our
present society is founded on the exploitation of the propertyless classes by
the propertied. This exploitation is such that the propertied (capitalists) buy
the working force body and soul of the propertyless, for the price of the mere
costs of existence (wages), and take for themselves, i.e. steal the amount of
new values (products) which exceeds this price, whereby wages are made to
represent the necessities instead of the earnings of the wage-laborer.
As
the non-possessing classes are forced by their poverty to offer for sale to the
propertied their working forces, and as our present production on a grand scale
enforces technical development with immense rapidity, so that by the application
of an always decreasing number of human working forces, an always increasing
amount of products is created; so does the supply of working forces increase
constantly, while the demand therefore decreases. This is the reason why the
workers compete more and more intensely in selling themselves, causing their
wages to sink, or at least on the average, never raising them above the margin
necessary for keeping intact their working ability.
Whilst
by this process the propertyless are entirely debarred from entering the ranks
of the propertied, even by the most strenuous exertions, the propertied, by
means of the ever-increasing plundering of the working class, are becoming
richer day by day, without in any way being themselves productive.
If
now and then one of the propertyless class become rich, it is not by their own
labor, but from opportunities which they have to speculate upon, and absorb the
labor-product of others.
With
the accumulation of individual wealth, the greed and power of the propertied
grows. They use all the means for competing among themselves for the robbery of
the people. In this struggle, generally, the less-propertied (middle class) are
overcome, while the great capitalists, par excellence, swell their wealth
enormously, concentrate entire branches of
production,
as well as trade and inter- communication, into their hands, and develop into
monopolists. The increase of products, accompanied by simultaneous decrease of
the average income of the working mass of the people, leads to so-called
"business" and "commercial" crises, when the misery of the
wage-workers is forced to the extreme.
For
illustration, the last census of the United States shows that after deducting
the cost of raw material, interest, rent, risks, etc., the propertied class have
absorbed – i.e., stolen – more than five-eighths of all products, leaving
scarcely three-eighths to the producers. The propertied class, being scarcely
one-tenth of our population, and in spite of their luxury and extravagance,
unable to consume their enormous "profits," and the producers, unable
to consume more than they receive – three-eighths – so-called
"over-productions" must necessarily take place. The terrible results
of panics are well known.
The
increasing eradication of working forces from the productive process, annually
increases the percentage of the propertyless population, which becomes
pauperized, and is driven to "crime," vagabondage, prostitution,
suicide, starvation, and general depravity. This system is unjust, insane, and
murderous. It is therefore necessary to totally destroy it with and by all
means, and with the greatest energy on the part of every one who suffers by it,
and who does not want to be made culpable for its continued existence by their
inactivity.
Agitation
for the purpose of organization; organization for the purpose of rebellion. In
these few words the ways are marked, which the workers must take if they want to
be rid of their chains, as the economic condition is the same in all countries
of so-called "civilization," as the governments of all Monarchies and
Republics work hand in hand for the purpose of opposing all movements of the
thinking part of the workers, as finally the victory in the decisive combat of
the proletarians against their oppressors can only be gained by the simul-
taneous struggle along the whole line of the bourgeois (capitalistic) society,
so therefore the international fraternity of peoples, as expressed in the
International Working People’s Association, presents itself a self-evident
necessity.
True
order should take its place. This can only be achieved when all implements of
labor, the soil and other premises of production, in short, capital produced by
labor, is changed into societary property. Only by this presupposition is
destroyed every possibility of the future spoliation of man by man. Only by
common, undivided capital can all be enabled to enjoy in their fullness the
fruits of the common toil. Only by the impossibility of accumulating individual
(private) capital can every one be compelled to work who makes a demand to live.
This
order of things allows production to regulate itself according to the demand of
the whole people, so that nobody need work more than a few hours a day, and that
all nevertheless can satisfy their needs. Hereby time and opportunity are given
for opening to the people the way to the highest possible civilization; the
privileges of higher intelligence fall with the privileges of wealth and birth.
To the achievement of such a system the political organizations of the
capitalistic classes – be they Monarchies or Republics – form the barriers.
These political structures (States), which are completely in the hands of the
propertied, have no other purpose than the upholding of the present order of
exploitation.
All
laws are directed against the working people. In so far as the opposite appears
to be the case, they serve on one hand to blind the worker, while on the other
hand they are simply evaded. Even the school serves only the purpose of
furnishing the offspring of the wealthy with those qualities necessary to uphold
their class domination. The children of the poor get scarcely a formal
elementary training, and this, too, is mainly directed to such branches as tend
to producing prejudices, arrogance and servility; in short, want of sense. The
Church finally seeks to make complete idiots out of the mass and to make them
forego the paradise on earth by promising a fictitious heaven. The capitalistic
press, on the other hand, takes care of the confusion of spirits in public life.
All these institutions, far from aiding in the education of the masses, have for
their object the keeping in ignorance of the people. They are all in the pay and
under the direction of the capitalistic classes. The workers can therefore
expect no help from any capitalistic party in their struggle against the
existing system. They must achieve their liberation by their own efforts. As in
former times a privileged class never surrendered its tyranny, neither can it be
expected that the capitalists of this age will give up their rulership without
being forced to do it.
If
there ever could have been any question on this point, it should long ago have
been dispelled by the brutalities which the bourgeoisie of all countries – in
America as well as in Europe – constantly commits, as often as the proletariat
anywhere energetically move to better their condition. It becomes, therefore,
self-evident that the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie must have
a violent revolutionary character.
We
could show by scores of illustrations that all attempts in the past to reform
this monstrous system by peaceable means, such as the ballot, have been futile,
and all such efforts in the future must necessarily be so, for the following
reasons:
The
political institutions of our times are the agencies of the propertied class;
their mission is the upholding of the privileges of their masters; any reform in
your own behalf would curtail these privileges. To this they will not and cannot
consent, for it would be suicidal to themselves.
That
they will not resign their privileges voluntarily we know; that they will not
make any concessions to us we likewise know. Since we must then rely upon the
kindness of our masters for whatever redress we have, and knowing that from them
no good may be expected, there remains but one recourse – FORCE! Our
forefathers have not only told us that against despots force is justifiable,
because it is the only means, but they themselves have set the immemorial
example.
By
force our ancestors liberated themselves from political oppression, by force
their children will have to liberate themselves from economic bondage. "It
is, therefore, your right; it is your duty," says Jefferson – "to
arm!"
What
we would achieve is, therefore, plainly and simply:
First:–
Destruction of the existing class rule, by all means, i.e., by energetic,
relentless, revolutionary, and international action.
Second:–
Establishment of a free society based upon co-operative organization of
production.
Third:–
Free exchange of equivalent products by and between the productive organizations
without commerce and profit-mongery.
Fourth:–
Organization of education on a secular, scientific, and equal basis for both
sexes.
Fifth:–
Equal rights for all without distinction to sex or race.
Sixth:–
Regulation of all public affairs by free contracts between the autonomous
(independent) communes and associations, resting on a federalistic basis.
Whoever
agrees with this ideal let him grasp our outstretched brother hands!
Proletarians
of all countries, unite! Fellow workingmen, all we need for the achievement of
this great end is ORGANIZATION and UNITY!
There
exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The work of peaceful education and
revolutionary conspiracy well can and ought to run in parallel lines.
The
day has come for solidarity. Join our ranks! Let the drum beat defiantly the
roll of battle: "Workmen of all lands, unite! You have nothing to loose but
your chains; you have a world to win!"
Tremble,
oppressors of the world! Not far beyond your purblind sight there dawn the
scarlet and sable lights of the JUDGMENT DAY!
Reprinted
from Free Society
I
was born in San Carlo in the province of Ferrara on 8 April 1894 into a peasant
family. When I finished school in 1912 I had the chance to satisfy my desire to
go to America the following year and settled in Brockton, Massachusetts.
In
those days I regarded myself as a socialist, not really out of reasoned
conviction but simply lest I give the impression that I was a conservative.
During summer 1914, at an Italian-American picnic, I made the acquaintance of a
man considerably older than me who told me that he was an anarchist and offered
me, to read, a book that he said that he had enjoyed reading. In fact it was
Kropotkin’s Memoirs which held my attention, for I discovered in it
feelings and ideas that it seemed had always been a part of me. I went on
reading what he lent me and took out a subscription to Cronaca Sovversiva
which, in a very short space of time, had become essential reading for me. The
war in Europe was just beginning at the time and there was widespread revulsion
at the horrors being perpetrated. I had occasion to hear a few talks given by
Galleani and to make the acquaintances of persons of my own age living in the
Boston area. In April 1916, with all of the zeal of the convert, I accepted the
post of administrator with Cronaca Sovversiva. Towards the end of 1915 I
had even made so bold as to send an article to that weekly paper and it had been
published, albeit completely revamped by the editors.
The
following year the United States entered the war and I, like many another,
refused to register as a potential soldier, so I was arrested for breaching the
law making registration a requirement and then was sentenced to a year in
prison. Having served my time, I was then sent back to Italy, arriving along
with eight other comrades, including the Sanchinis with their two young babies,
on 9 July 1919.
In
Naples I was detained by the military police as a deserter in time of war and
committed to the military prison of Sant’Elmo where I stayed until the 2
September amnesty meant that I was taken to the district military headquarters
and drafted into the King’s army. Leave for my draft started on 12 September
and I was allowed furlough along with them, which is how I came to turn up at my
parents’ home, not having seen them in six years.
At
the start of 1920 Cronaca Sovversiva resumed publication in Turin and I
returned to the post of administrator. But after twenty issues Galleani was
indicted over some anti militarist articles and, being threatened with arrest,
he went on the run, except that later he showed up at the trial which took place
towards the end of October 1922. Publication of Cronaca Sovversiva ceased
after twenty issues.
In
August 1922 I set off on a speaking tour in the Marches. But on arriving in
Fabriano, I was arrested by a carabinieri patrol; after holding me overnight
they bundled me on board a train with two carabinieri who escorted me to Turin
where the courts had initiated proceedings against me. After a brief stay at
police headquarters, I was taken to the remand cells to await trial. I was
charged with having taken part along with about ten communists upon whom I had
never set eyes, in the organising of the Arditi del Popolo, with which I
had had nothing to do. After fifteen months of inquiries we were taken to the
Turin Assizes (one of the communists having died in prison in the interim) where
we were all acquitted and freed because the frame-up fell apart.
In
March 1923, whilst I was looking around for some way out of the situation
created by fascism’s arrival in power, comrade Emilio Coda, having arrived
from America, suggested to me that I go to France in an effort to inject some
vigour into the campaign to save Sacco and Vanzetti. I of course accepted and I
crossed the frontier with comrade Giuseppe Mioli, striking up a friendship that
has survived to this day. In Paris we published a four page newspaper called La
Difesa (Defence), managing to bring out four or five issues thanks to the
solidarity of French comrades. But during that summer Coda had to return to the
United States and publication was suspended. After a short stay in London I went
back to France where I found work in the textile industry and I might even have
become a half-decent weaver, had not encouragement from several comrades and my
own enduring desire to be of service to the movement inspired me to return to
Paris where, in 1925, we started publishing Il Monito, a newspaper that
appeared fairly irregularly up until 1928. In the years that followed, the
Sacco-Vanzetti campaign was stepped up to such an extent that when Luigia
Vanzetti passed through Paris, the French comrades successfully organised a
popular demonstration in which 250,000 people were said to have taken part. The
tragic denouement of the campaign was a profound upset to avant garde
groups and to the Paris proletariat generally. After that - I was to be expelled
from France after a couple of years - I went to Marseilles where I lodged with
the family of a comrade who had spent some time in the United States and where I
was treated like one of the family. I stayed there up until the end of that
year, once more contributing regularly to L’Adunata (dei Refrattari).
It was at this point that the idea came to me to go back to America. The first
person to mention it to me was comrade Luigi Pitton, a veteran of our
Italian-American movement, and with the help of some comrades on both sides of
the Atlantic I was able to make the trip the following March. The rest of my
life is recorded in the fifty bound annual editions of Adunata.
Partly
out of modesty and partly out of necessity, I have used lots of pen names. Even
so, I used my own name when I had to face up to my personal responsibility. In
65 years of life as a militant I contributed to the following publications, Cronaca
Sovversiva of Lynn, Massachusetts and Turin, La Difesa and Il
Monito in Paris, and the odd single edition publication from Paolo Schicchi
in Marseilles, the English-language California newspaper Man! in the
1930s, La Frusta of Pesaro and finally L’Adunata dei Refrattari
(as a contributor up until 1928 and from May 1928 to April 1970 as editor).
These
have been my noms de plume:
Cesare;
Nando; Michetta; Calibano (used only once in Il Monito in Paris); Max
Sartin; Labor; Manhattanite; Bob; Juan Taro; X.Y.; R.S.; and M.S., in more
recent contributions to L’Internazionale of Ancona.
I
should also say that ever since I took over as editor of L’Adunata I
have always published general articles as spokesman for the editorial team and
therefore without signature. Into this category fall the Cronache Sovversive
which I would send in to the paper on a weekly basis even when, for whatever
reason, I happened to be far away from the editorial offices or because I was
otherwise unable to be there. I ought to add that those of my writings published
in Man! were signed Melchior Seele. I cannot guarantee that I may not have left
out one or two things in this list but this is what comes to mind right now and
were in any event the pen-names I used most frequently. In one of the few issues
of the review Veglia that Virgilia D’Andrea published in Paris there is
a piece by me on Sacco and Vanzetti, signed with my own name. * Probably written during the early 1980s: from Bollettino Archivio G. Pinelli (Milan). No 13, August 1999, pp. 43-45. Can
any comrades out there look in their cupboards for us? We need Nos 1-4 and
24 of Kick it Over to complete our set. Drop us a line if you need
postage paid. We
would also like to hear from any comrades able to translate German - or any
artistic people able to supply us with graphics. This
number of KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library brought to you
by the KSL collective in May 2000. Kate
Sharpley Library Subscriptions
to the bulletin for a year (4 issues) are £3 (inland) or £5 (overseas).
Institutional rates are £6 (inland) and £10 (overseas) [unfortunately we
can’t take dollar cheques, but sterling ones payable to ‘Kate Sharpley
Library’ are fine.] We
would be more than happy to hear from comrades interested in our
publications (see page 7), or in donating material or money Would any comrades with address corrections or receiving multiple copies please contact us. How
to find Your Local Wobbly History
Start at the nearest college library, and gather a short stack of general works on the IWW or any of its famous travelling speakers. Look in the indexes for the name of your town, and start making a list of the local numbers, companies where the IWW was active, and especially the dates of strikes and public appearances by well-known Wobs. The most active years will usually be between 1911 and 1920. Be sure to include the date September 5, 1917, when IWW halls across the U.S. were raided by federal agents.
Take the list to the nearest large public library, and go to the newspaper room.
They'll have all the local daily papers from those early years on microfilm. In
most places, there were many more papers than there are now. Start rolling to
the day after each of the events you've found, and read the mainstream news
accounts. This is the point at which you'll start saying "oh my
goodness..." because there will be photographs, names, addresses and
stories that you've never heard of, and some that no living person knows about. Take down the addresses of the union halls and get on your bike: is the building till standing? In Philadelphia, there are two. When I rang the doorbell at one of them, I was happy to learn that its present occupants had found some old union handbills in the building, and they had some framed and hanging on the wall. Take down the names of IWW activists and look them up in the city directory (ancestor of the phone book) for the same year: is the home still there now? Search every local historical facility for the names, as well as the National Union Catalog of Manuscript Collections. Here's where you may locate the personal papers of your long-dead comrades, and still more names, addresses, and other connections. If you find the date of someone's death you should look in the papers for an obituary, figure out where they were buried, and call up the cemetery. (Some libraries and historical societies maintain a file of local obituaries from the papers, organized by name, which can be a big help.) I got lucky and found the tombstone of the martyred Wobbly organizer Martin Petkus just a few miles from where I live. Martin was shot down by riot police during an IWW sugar refinery strike in 1917.
There will be thousands of minute details that will lead you to other details,
and the thread will never end. Once you start hitting pay-dirt and getting
acquainted with the labor activists who walked the same streets as you do, but
long, long ago, this may become your hobby or even your obsession, as is the
case with me. Now that you've been warned, sharpen your pencil and get to work.
You'll benefit enormously from the help of librarians at every single step, so
always be nice to them.
From Anarcho-Syndicalist review #28, Spring 2000 ASR PO Box 2824
Champaign, IL 61825 USA
Two KSL publications have recently hit the streets:
Flavio Constantini Art of Anarchy
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