The background--which some readers are certainly familiar with--consists of a conflict and a series of misunderstandings which since the 1950's have characterized the relations between Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation (SAC--the Swedish Workers Central-organization) and the International Workers Association (IWA), as well as the split of the CNT after the Franco dictatorship's fall, which caused similar fissures in larger portions of the anti-authoritarian European workers movement.
The following is a short description of these unfortunate events as well as a description of the IK's effort to reach a friendly and constructive relationship with the IWA and the CNT. Following that is a detailed report from the conference as well as my impressions of the CNT and the IWA.
The IWA, which at that time organized very few working unions (in practice only the SAC and the French CNT), and therefore able to hold a more "orthodox" anarcho-syndicalist line, disapproved of such "co-operation" with the state and supported opposition to this reorientation, which not the least came from SAC's older revolutionaries. The IWA, which worried about reformist tendencies, decided to give their secretariat the responsibility of observing different sections' tactical and principal stances.
In Sweden, this was perceived as the beginnings of a centralized, opinion watchdog--something completely alien to an anti-authoritarian and federal movement. In 1956, the SAC withdrew from the IWA by not paying its membership dues.
The situation became worse as both groups claimed the name "CNT" as well as the resources confiscated by the Franco dictatorship [ie. the funds and union buildings included in the "Patrimony"--LLR]. The ideological and material legacy conflict was not settled until 1989, when a Spanish court rejected the splinter group's claims. They then changed their name to Confederation General del Trabajo (CGT).
The Spanish conflict had immediate effects upon the global movement. The IWA supported the CNT and anarcho-syndicalist groups in different countries split up into enemy camps along the lines of the internal Spanish division. Three camps crystallized in Sweden: one pro-CNT, one pro-that-was-to-become-CGT, and one completely uninterested or unknowing group.
These three groups within SAC were united in their determination not to split upon the basis of the Spanish conflict. None other than the employers and their collaborators--the reformist unions--would benefit if the SAC split. The SAC decided therefore to remain neutral (a Swedish tradition wouldn't you say). We regretted the Spanish conflict, but at the same time we explained that it could hardly be the Swedish workers responsibility to decide which of the opposition groups was the legitimate CNT. During the congresses of 1983 and 1990, we declared our intention to cooperate and hold channels open to both parts. The Swedish door was open for both.
The fact that we even communicated with and visited the "renegades" in the soon-to-be CGT was enough for the CNT to suspect Swedish foul play. When in 1986, the SAC decided to lend 250,000 SKR [at 1993 exchange rates this would be about $35,000 U.S.--LLR] to the soon-to-be CGT--money they would use for participating in union elections--the situation became interpreted as: "The SAC, those reformists, supports the trotskyist/reformists in the splinter group!" That we could just as easily have lent money to the CNT was unimportant. The SAC "schemes for those traitors and for nothing less than the despicable purpose of the Francoist, class-collaborationist institution of union elections." After that, many members of the CNT and IWA saw the SAC as a sworn enemy. Confusing and vicious rumors, which had the purpose of smearing SAC's reputation, soon spread and of course, outraged the Swedish syndicalists who were confronted with them. All this created a situation of mutual suspicion, misunderstandings and hurt feelings.
Meeting on a personal level has many benefits. As long as the personal chemistry works, one soon understands that the other is actually human and not the devil that rumors portray. Once a political discussion begins, one discovers the other as an anti- authoritarian socialist and a brother in a common revolutionary struggle. Details about "who said what to whom in 1953" lose their importance and a series of misunderstandings can be cleared. Slowly, but surely, the SAC and the IWA sections could lower their guard and begin to communicate with each other.
And rest assured, I explained at least a thousand times over our position in a series of central points:
And that is how it went. My saving grace was that the Spanish young people quickly understood the points and stepped in to correct the older members as soon as they saw that I was bombarded with the same questions that I had just answered. During the final days, the Spaniards, English and French discussed amongst themselves and a clear, positive view of the SAC spread throughout the conference. We could unite behind the fact that in today's circumstances, where the anti-authoritarian left is the only left that is left and therefore the only organized resistance to robber- baron-capitalism's havoc, it would be devastating to waste our energy upon internal differences when we have a revolution to organize. More about these concrete proposals later. It is now high time to get into the actual conference.
Mentally prepared to endure yet another conference under these conditions, I was nearly bowled over by my confrontation with the opposite reality: the time schedule was respected by the participants and those who arrived late blushed in an almost Nordic manner, simultaneous translations worked perfectly the entire conference, every session was introduced by a prepared leading statement, the following debates were disciplined and for the most part pertinent and towards the end a five minute limit was set--and it worked!
During three days, we worked with four main themes--the fall of planned state capitalism in Eastern Europe; the capitalist crisis in general; the situation of the anarchist workers movement; as well as which types of methods that we should use to build a dynamic and strong anti-authoritarian movement today.
The first two introductions of themes as well as the following discussions, were predictable and held no surprises. The SAC and most of the other participating organizations and individuals had the same analysis and opinions regarding these subjects. The only variation from an average Swedish syndicalist debate was the portion which zeroes in upon and attacked the church. The process of secularization has come further in Sweden than in Spain.
As expected, the last two themes were more interesting. Most of the participating organizations presented the situation in their own countries under the third theme. Participating in the conference were, among other IWA sections, Italy (USI), England (DAM), Germany (FAU), France (CNT) and Bulgaria (CNT). There were as well, many autonomous groups and communes from Spain, Groupo Malatesta from Portugal, autonomes and anti-fascists from Germany, the French Anarchist Federation, Italian railway workers and many more.
One interesting topic, among others, which I would like to highlight is that of an anarchist school in Estremadura, Spain. We watched a video and listened to a pair of teachers who worked there. The presentation was impressive. The school was located in town and the children picked up by a school bus, just as all the other children in the area. It was directed towards a balanced, overall view, with a well thought out pedagogy, which was truly revolutionary and a brilliant anarchistic alternative to the bourgeois indoctrination that otherwise characterizes the western school system. If we had something similar here, I would send my children without a moment of hesitation. And why not? We have enough teachers in our organization to start similar schools in Sweden, at least in the larger cities.
I have two personal reflections concerning the third theme. The first is that this conference, despite its global claims, was clearly Euro-centered. With two exceptions, Morocco and the Spanish colony in Africa (known as the Canary Islands), everyone at the conference was from Europe. This points out the importance of attempting to tie new knots and establish contact with worker organizations in, above all Asia and Africa (we already have got good contacts in America). In this context, we must understand that anarcho-syndicalism is a western phenomenon, which is why we cannot expect to find groups who actually call themselves "syndicalists" or "anarchists." In both Africa and Asia, there are other traditions which mean that anti-authoritarian ideas are clothed in other words. The second observation, which was immediately noticeable, was that the conference was overwhelmingly dominated by men. Not that we have anything to brag about but I hope that Swedish anarcha-feminists establish contacts with Mujeres Libres, the CNT's "Free Women," who expressed such a desire.
The conference ended with more concrete, action-oriented discussion. The debate was both intensive and interesting. The same type of contradictions that we usually find at home arose: tensions between union and political poles, between intellectual and anti- intellectual workers, between a men's and women's perspective and between generations. It was quite comforting to note that those stances which I thought the sensible "won the debate." The importance of a wide and anti-authoritarian mobilization against the right-wing was emphasized. In order to realize this, we must set dogmatic beliefs aside and be more flexible. Many speaker's noted the positive in SAC's participation: we must respect the fact that the anarchist workers movement will express itself differently in different countries depending upon different circumstances, and find the necessary forms for a working co-operation in our common struggle against capital.
The CNT's new general secretary, Jaime Pozas, was easy to get along with. He had lived in Sweden where he worked as a cook, and had been a member of the SAC. He is therefore quite familiar with the Swedish situation. We agreed that we must work towards a good and friendly relationship and should cooperate on questions of mutual interest. My impression of the CNT is that it is a well working anarcho-syndicalist organization--contrary to what is occasionally said by CGT-influenced comrades in Sweden. They are similar to us on a series of ideological and practical questions, even if there are, naturally, points upon which we differ. The CNT is absolutely not a small, orthodox, dogmatic sect; but a revolutionary, anarchistic, workers organization which we should take a positive stance towards and cooperate with.
The IWA's new secretary, Pepe Jimenez, was even more easy to get along with. The IWA's secretariat moved to Valencia after the 1992 IWA Congress. We had a very long and constructive meeting where we ventilated opinions on everything from the IWA's organization and internal democracy, the controversy with the SAC, to a series of burning political questions. We soon found that we had similar points of view concerning the most serious questions and problems facing the working class today. We also agreed that we had everything to gain by cooperating. The SAC's participation in the conference is a beginning to normalizing relations between the IWA and the SAC. We should begin by cooperating on general questions and slowly work towards expanding the level of contact.
Today, the IWA consists of only two working unions, the CNTs in Spain and France. The rest are actually best seen as propaganda groups. It is also from these propaganda groups--due to that lack of practical experience of the realities that a union works under-- that the most confusing attacks against the SAC come. It is quite clear that we need each other--the IWA, the CNT and the SAC!